@@ -1055,14 +1055,29 @@ Services that can be used to easily view this data online include:
We have been able to find the following anti-CCP information in the blockchain so far:
* http://bitfossil.org/fe0dfa51337dfce616a0e0305d10eed867e56a9f0f006b0521ec1ea32851a342/index.htm[] from 2014 is about the <<hong-kong>> 2014 protests. It contains text and images in the AtomSea & EMBII format. Part of the text is ripped from: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/world-asia-29421909 "Hong Kong democracy protesters defiant on National Day Tens of thousands of people have been blocking parts of the city for days."
* 2014: http://bitfossil.org/fe0dfa51337dfce616a0e0305d10eed867e56a9f0f006b0521ec1ea32851a342/index.htm[] is about the <<hong-kong>> 2014 protests. It contains text and images in the AtomSea & EMBII format. Part of the text is ripped from: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/av/world-asia-29421909 "Hong Kong democracy protesters defiant on National Day Tens of thousands of people have been blocking parts of the city for days."
Tiananmen massacre <--- I dare China to censor this.
____
* 2017 1ca4f11131eca6b4d61daf707a470cfccd1ef3d80a6f8b70f1f07616b451ca64e from 2017 contains an image of <<tank-man>> encoded as standard transaction SHAs. The image is mentioned at: https://archive.4plebs.org/pol/thread/191157608/#q191162145 with indexer URL https://cryptograffiti.info/#ca4f11131eca6b4d61daf707a470cfccd1ef3d80a6f8b70f1f07616b451ca64e.jpg but that link is not working
* 2017 blk00808.txt transaction https://www.blockchain.com/btc/tx/91b9b44532e094522e905012c04f207df1bcad8d9df7232679cb16859a008bdd[91b9b44532e094522e905012c04f207df1bcad8d9df7232679cb16859a008bdd] (TODO why not visible at https://bitcoinstrings.com/blk00808.txt[]) contains a full text reproduction of: https://www.hrw.org/news/2016/06/01/china-tell-truth-about-tiananmen-anniversary "China: Tell the Truth About Tiananmen on Anniversary" from <<human-rights-watch>>. The text is preceeded by a Chinese version of the same.
* ca4f11131eca6b4d61daf707a470cfccd1ef3d80a6f8b70f1f07616b451ca64e from 2017 contains an image of <<tank-man>> encoded as standard transaction SHAs. The image is mentioned at: https://archive.4plebs.org/pol/thread/191157608/#q191162145 with indexer URL https://cryptograffiti.info/#ca4f11131eca6b4d61daf707a470cfccd1ef3d80a6f8b70f1f07616b451ca64e.jpg but that link is not working
TODO meaning of "dp". Part of a quote by <<liu-xiaobo>> which was delivered in his Nobel Prize speech in absentia: https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/2010/xiaobo/lecture/[], fuller quote:
+
____
<<freedom-of-the-press,Freedom of expression>> is the foundation of human rights, the source of humanity, and the mother of truth. To strangle freedom of speech is to trample on human rights, stifle humanity, and suppress truth.
<<chernobyl-2019-miniseries,Covid19 is Xi Jinping s Chernobyl>>
____
But of course, there are crypto-<<wumao>>'s there too!!! The incongruence of a dictatorship and uncensorability is just mind blowing:
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@@ -2055,8 +2070,10 @@ Installing any of those immediately give you <<social-credit-system,10 Sesame Po
See also: <<harm-programmers>>.
[[what-is-more-obscene-sex-or-war]]
.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GwCyQINNXwE "What is more obscene: sex or war?" scene from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_People_vs._Larry_Flynt[The People vs. Larry Flynt (1996)]. Ciro just can't stop thinking about that scene when someone tells him that <<disturbs,his profile disturbs them>>. What is more obscene? <<xi-jinping-memes>> or human rights violations?
video::SRPiE59e8NU[youtube,height=400,width=600]
.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MPI5QkPrWzI "What is more obscene: sex or war?" scene from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_People_vs._Larry_Flynt[The People vs. Larry Flynt (1996)]. Ciro just can't stop thinking about that scene when someone tells him that <<disturbs,his profile disturbs them>>. What is more obscene? <<xi-jinping-memes>> or human rights violations?
video::MPI5QkPrWzI[youtube,height=400,width=600]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=
[[browser-extensions-to-hide-keyword-attacks]]
===== Browser extensions to hide keyword attacks (隐藏关键字攻击的浏览器扩展)
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@@ -2095,6 +2112,15 @@ which reference various forks of china-dictatorship:
** https://github.com/Iorine/china-dictatorship
** https://github.com/jk-ice-cream[]. This one has some original content on profile: https://github.com/jk-ice-cream/jk.ice_cream_ apparently linked to <<gay-rights>>
** https://greasyfork.org/en/scripts/473912-github搜索净化[]. Matching username of a GitHub user: https://github.com/danicastarr[].
* 2023-10-30 https://www.reddit.com/r/ADVChina/comments/17jz3do/github_history_of_ccp_dictatorship/ "Github: History of CCP Dictatorship" on the ADVChina <<reddit>>
* 2023-08-23 https://t.me/XueXi_China/65965 by <<gfwfrog>>'s Telegram reposts anonymous submission of <<github-com-cirosantilli-china-dictatorship>>. Let to a bit of traffic: https://github.com/cirosantilli/china-dictatorship/issues/1060
本文为哥伦比亚大学教授黎安友（Andrew J. Nathan）2015年10月在“塞缪尔∙李普塞特世界民主讲座”（Seymour Martin Lipset Lecture on Democracy in the World）上演讲的讲稿。李普塞特是现代化理论的主要奠基人。他从社会经济结构的角度探讨民主的发生与存在条件。黎安友教授演讲的英文版发表于《民主杂志》(Journal of Democracy) 2016年4月号，总第27期。中译文首发于《中国战略分析》2017年第1期，2017年1月15日。
> 我个人从没有跟西摩·马丁·李普塞特（Seymour Martin Lipset）见过面；我到哥伦比亚大学的时候他已经离开了。李普塞特写过一篇自传体文章——《稳定的工作：一篇学术回忆录》，里面回顾了他在1943年成为哥伦比亚大学博士的经过。我看到觉得非常有趣。他说他当时在纽约市立学院（CityCollege）的社会学系拿到了一个教职，而那个教职要求受聘者必须得是在册研究生。因为哥伦比亚大学离那只有1英里远，下个坡再上个坡就到了，所以他就去了哥伦比亚大学。[1]我心想，今天要是选择一个研究生项目也像那么简单就好了。
作为一个哥伦比亚大学的博士生和年轻讲师，李普塞特当时是跟罗伯特·莫顿（RobertMerton）和保罗·拉扎斯菲尔德（Paul Lazarsfeld）这样奠定了现代政治社会学基础的学术巨匠一起工作的。等到我在20世纪60年代中期进入研究生院的时候，李普塞特的著作已经成为我们博士资格考试的必读书了。现在，我作为一个资深的学者，会抱怨学生们不去读本学科的经典著作。但李普塞特在1960年出版的《政治人》是个例外，大家都会去读。特别有影响的是他在1959年发表的文章《民主的一些必要条件：经济发展与政治合法性》（“Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development andPolitical Legitimacy”），收在这本书中作为一章，题为《经济发展与民主》（“EconomicDevelopment and Democracy”）。这篇文章讨论了他的一个经典命题：“一个国家的经济越发达，它就越可能维持（sustain）民主制度”。[2]李普塞特（讲明是在亚里士多德、马基雅维利和韦伯的影响下）提出：经济发展会扩大中产阶级，而中产阶级会支持民主。
中国中产阶级与李普塞特界定的中产阶级的不同之处，主要体现在四个方面。第一，中国的中产阶级占总人口的比重要小得多。陆学艺和他的同事在1999年估算中产阶级占了总人口的14.1%；陆学艺在之后的一次采访中说，到2008年这个数字会增长为22%—23%。[8]其他的学者也给出了相似的数据。虽然李普塞特并没有明确说他研究的中产阶级在总人口中应占多大比重，但他提出了一个“钻石型”的社会结构，其中间部分占的比重是最大的。相反，中国社会学家却在抱怨中国社会是“金字塔型”的：一个较小的中产阶级被极小的上层阶级和庞大的下层阶级挤在中间。中产阶级占据了一个有特权的社会岛（privileged social island）——具体而言就是生活在目前城市中非常普遍的“住宅小区”（gated communities）之中。中产阶级的成员会害怕，在一个多数人统治的社会，他们必须服从于下层阶级的利益。
第三个中国中产阶级的特殊之处在于它的“新”。李普塞特的中产阶级起源于中世纪的欧洲城市，作为一个不寻常的阶级在17世纪出现。它与现代民族国家和民主制度一起成长，而且拥有被广泛认同且具合法地位的身份。相反，严格地说，中国的中产阶级在1979年之前并不存在。共产革命之前存在的一个小规模的中产阶级在1950年代就被彻底消灭了，取而代之的是罗卡（Jean-Louis Rocca）所说的过着朴素生活、受少数党内精英领导的“一支多层级工人的军队”（an army of stratified workers）。[11]
然而，如果经济增长停滞，或者现政权开始左转（可能性很小）并侵害中产阶级的利益，中产阶级的安宁生活就会受到威胁。城市的生活方式会难以为继，越来越多的大学毕业生会找不到好工作。我们应该提醒自己，李普塞特没有说中产阶级会永远支持民主。李普塞特在另一篇著名的文章《“法西斯主义”——左、中、右》(“‘Fascism’—Left,Right, and Center”)里告诉我们，当中产阶级的经济和社会地位的安全程度降低，他们有可能会支持某种形式的极端主义。[29]在中国，这种极端主义很可能产生自仇外的民族主义，而这种民族主义正是政府一直作为支撑其合法的一种资源来推广的。为了表达这种民族主义的愤怒，中产阶级可能会指责政府叛国或者软弱，而这将推动政权往更为专制的方向发展。
[2] PoliticalMan: The Social Bases of Politics, expanded and updated ed. (Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), 31.
[3] 对于这个理论争议及其在中国的适用状况的文献综述，见Jie Chen and Chunlong Lu, “Democratizationand the Middle Class in China: The Middle Class’sAttitudes Toward Democracy,” Political ResearchQuarterly 64 (September 2011): 705–19.
[4] 就此问题的英文学术研究的综述，见Bruce Dickson, The Dictator’sDilemma: The Chinese Communist Party’s Strategy forSurvival (Oxford University Press, 2016).中文学术研究的综述，见 Cheng Li, “Chinese Scholarship on theMiddle Class: From Social Stratification to Political Potential,” in Li, ed., China’s EmergingMiddle Class: Beyond Economic Transformation (Washington,D.C.:Brookings Institution Press, 2010), 55–83.
[5] Tianjian Shi, “China:Democratic Values Supporting an Authoritarian System,”in Yun-han Chu et al., eds., How East Asians View Democracy (NewYork: Columbia University Press, 2008), 229; Dickson, appendix toDictator’s Dilemma; Jie Chen, A MiddleClass Without Democracy: Economic Growth and the Prospects for Democratizationin China (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013).
[6] 基于一个对中产阶级的定义，即在2005年每人每天消费支出在2到20美元之间（购买力平价）。按照此定义，可以算出在2005年中国有超过8亿人属于中产阶级。这个算法根据Asian Development Bank, Key Indicators for Asia and thePacific 2010 (August 2010), 5, www.adb.org/publications/key-indicators-asia-and-pacific-2010.
[7] 陆学艺（LuXueyi）编，《当代中国社会阶层研究报告》（Research report on socialstrata in contemporary China），北京：社会科学文献出版社，2002：252。
[8] 见《独家专访陆学艺:中产阶级每年增长一个百分点》（“Lu Xueyi Exclusive Interview: Middle Class Grew by OnePercentage Point per Year” ），新华网，2009年8月17日， http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2009-08/17/content_11894452.htm 。
[9] Chen and Lu, “Democratizationand the Middle Class in China,” 713–14. 这项研究是在北京、成都和西安进行的。
[10] LuigiTomba, The Government Next Door: Neighborhood Politics in Urban China (Ithaca:Cornell University Press, 2014), 104.
[11] Jean-LouisRocca, A Sociology of Modern China, trans. Gregory Elliott (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 2015), 16.
[12] 关于收入，见: http://knoema.com/pjeqzh/gdp-per-capita-by-country-1980-2014?country=China;关于城市化，见: World Bank and the Development Research Center of the StateCouncil, People’s Republic of China, UrbanChina: Toward Efficient, Inclusive, and Sustainable Urbanization (Washington,D.C.: World Bank, 2014), 3; 关于高校招生，见: Jing Lin andXiaoyan Sun, “Higher Education Expansion and China’s Middle Class,” in Li, ed.,China’s Emerging Middle Class, 222.
[13] Lipset, “SteadyWork,” 9.
[14] Jessica C.Teets, Civil Society Under Authoritarianism: The China Model (NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 2014).
[15] Benjamin L.Read, Roots of the State: Neighborhood Organization and Social Networksin Beijing and Taipei (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012),107.
[16] Haifeng Huang, “InternationalKnowledge and Domestic Evaluations in a Changing Society: The Case of China,” American Political Science Review 109 (August 2015): 613–34.
[18] 亚洲晴雨表调查提出的问题是：“你对民主在你们国家运作的情况有多满意？”问题是为跨国家的调查设计的，而且因为所有的亚洲政府都声称它们是民主国家，我们也可以相信这种大体上对政治制度的满意度评分。要比较的话，参见Jonas Linde and Joakim Ekman, “Satisfactionwith Democracy: A Note on a Frequently Used Indicator in Comparative Politics,” European Journal of Political Research 42 (May2003): 391–408.
[19] 这些是在亚洲晴雨表调查列出的7项“自由民主价值”中至少支持4项的人所占的比例。基于世界价值观调查（World Values Survey）和对亚洲与非亚洲国家的比较得出的，关于更现代化的人口持有更自由的价值观这一模式的普适性的调查结果，见Christian Welzel, “The Asian Values ThesisRevisited: Evidence from the World Values Surveys,”JapaneseJournal of Political Science 12 (April 2011):1–31.
[20] 关于对亚洲和中国青年人态度的类似调查结果，见Yun-han Chu and Bridget Welsh, “Millennialsand East Asia’s Democratic Future,” Journal of Democracy 26 (April 2015): 151–64, and Min-hua Huang, Yun-han Chu, and Cao Yongrong, “China: The Impact of Modernization and Liberalization on DemocraticAttitudes,” in David Denemark, Robert Mattes, andRichard G. Niemi, eds., Growing Up Democratic: Generational Change inPost-Authoritarian Societies (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienner,forthcoming).
[21]张伟（ZhangWei），《冲突与变数：中国社会中产阶层政治分析》（Conflict and uncertainty:political analysis of the middle stratum in Chinese society），北京：社会科学文献出版社，2005：406—407。
[22] 见 www.youtube.com/watch?v=q61X3zfBE8g.
[23] 这种分析可以参照：Eva Bellin, “The Dog That Didn’t Bark:The Political Complacence of the Emerging Middle Class (withIllustrations from the Middle East),” in Julian Go,ed., Political Power and Social Theory, vol. 21 (Bingley, U.K.:Emerald, 2010), 125–41; Kellee S. Tsai, “Capitalists Without a Class: Political Diversity Among PrivateEntrepreneurs in China,” Comparative PoliticalStudies 38 (November 2005): 1130–58; TeresaWright, Accepting Authoritarianism: State-Society Relations in China’s Reform Era (Stanford: StanfordUniversity Press, 2010).
[24] TianjianShi, The Cultural Logic of Politics in Mainland China and Taiwan (NewYork: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 195. 这些数据来自2003年亚洲晴雨表调查的中国调查。
[26] Seymour MartinLipset with Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right-Wing Extremismin America, 1790–1977 (Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press, 1970); Lipset, American Exceptionalism: ADouble-Edged Sword (New York: W.W. Norton, 1996), Lipset with GaryMarks, It Didn’t Happen Here: Why Socialism Failed inthe United States (New York: W.W. Norton, 2000).
[27] Seymour MartinLipset, “Predictingthe Future: The Limits of Social Science,” in Consensusand Conflict: Essays in Political Sociology (New Brunswick, N.J.:Transaction, 1985), 329–60, orig. in Lipset, ed., TheThird Century: America as a Post-Industrial Society (Stanford: HooverInstitution Press, 1979), 1–35.
[28] Andrew J.Nathan, “Foreseeingthe Unforeseeable,” Journal of Democracy 24 (January 2013): 20–25.
